52110984 benin Benin profile

Benin, formerly known as Dahomey, is one of Africa's most stable democracies.

It boasts a proliferation of political parties and a strong civil society.

On the economic side, however, the picture is less bright – Benin is severely underdeveloped, and corruption is rife.

Benin's shore includes what used to be known as the Slave Coast, from where captives were shipped across the Atlantic. Elements of the culture and religion brought by slaves from the area are still present in the Americas, including voodoo.

Once banned in Benin, the religion is celebrated at the country's annual Voodoo Day, which draws thousands of celebrants.

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At a glance

wpid 52110987 benin democracy afp 110034753 Benin profile

Politics: President Yayi won elections in 2006, replacing Mathieu Kerekou, who was in office for most of the time since he seized power in 1972

Economy: Benin to benefit from G8 commitment to write off debt. It is pressing Western cotton producing countries to compete more fairly by cutting subsidies to their farmers

International: Thousands of Togolese refugees have yet to return home

Country profiles compiled by BBC Monitoring

Before being colonised by France towards the end of the 1800s, the area comprised several independent states, including the Kingdom of Dahomey, which had a well-trained standing army and was geared towards the export of slaves and later palm oil.

Instability marked the first years after full independence from France in 1960 and the early part of Mr Kerekou's rule featured Marxism-Leninism as the official ideology.

However, during the 1980s Mr Kerekou resigned from the army to become a civilian head of state and liberalised the economy.

While Benin has seen economic growth over the past few years and is one of Africa's largest cotton producers, it ranks among the world's poorest countries. The economy relies heavily on trade with its eastern neighbour, Nigeria.

To the north, there have been sporadic clashes along Benin's border with Burkina Faso. The trouble has been blamed on land disputes between rival communities on either side of the border.

Thousands of Togolese refugees fled to Benin in 2005 following political unrest in their homeland. Benin called for international aid to help it shelter and feed the exiles.

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 54292137 uganda  Uganda profile

Since the late 1980s Uganda has rebounded from the abyss of civil war and economic catastrophe to become relatively peaceful, stable and prosperous.

But the lives of hundreds of thousands of people in the north remain blighted by one of Africa's most brutal rebellions.

In the 1970s and 1980s Uganda was notorious for its human rights abuses, first during the military dictatorship of Idi Amin from 1971-79 and then after the return to power of Milton Obote, who had been ousted by Amin.

During this time up to half a million people were killed in state-sponsored violence.

Since becoming president in 1986 Yoweri Museveni has introduced democratic reforms and has been credited with substantially improving human rights, notably by reducing abuses by the army and the police.

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At a glance

Politics: Multi-party politics restored in 2005

Security: Terror of Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) over two decades has spread to neighbouring countries. Allied Democratic Forces, a rebel group trying to set up an Islamic state in Uganda, is active in DR Congo

Economy: Uganda is vulnerable to changes in the world price of coffee, its main export earner. Oil discoveries have boosted prospects

International: Uganda has been actively involved in the DR Congo conflict. LRA leaders are wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes

Country profiles compiled by BBC Monitoring

In addition, Western-backed economic reforms produced solid growth and falls in inflation in the 1990s. However, Mr Museveni has bemoaned his country's failure to industrialise.

The discovery of oil and gas in the west of the country have boosted confidence in the economy.

The president came under fire for Uganda's military involvement, along with five other countries, in neighbouring DR Congo's 1998-2003 civil war. DR Congo accuses Uganda of maintaining its influence in the mineral-rich east of the country. Uganda says DR Congo has failed to disarm Ugandan rebels on its soil.

The cult-like Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) has rampaged across northern Uganda for the past two decades and has in recent years spread to neighbouring countries, abducting and killng tens of thousands as well as displacing more than 1.5 million. It has been described as one of the most effective guerrilla armies in Africa.

Its leader Joseph Kony says he wants to run the country along the lines of the biblical Ten Commandments, and is wanted by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity.

Some critics have wondered why the conflict has gone on for so long, and others have questioned Mr Museveni's commitment to ending the insurgency.

Uganda has won praise for its vigorous campaign against HIV/Aids. This has helped to reduce the prevalence of the virus – which reached 30% in the 1990s – to single-digit figures.

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 54272262 somaliaii Somalia profile

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Somalia – Failed State

How a mother survives Somalia

Life in ex-al-Shabab stronghold

Why is Uganda in Somalia?

Will the world help or hinder?

Somalia has been without an effective central government since President Siad Barre was overthrown in 1991.

Years of fighting between rival warlords and an inability to deal with famine and disease have led to the deaths of up to one million people.

Comprised of a former British protectorate and an Italian colony, Somalia was created in 1960 when the two territories merged. Since then its development has been slow. Relations with neighbours have been soured by its territorial claims on Somali-inhabited areas of Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti.

In 1970 Mr Barre proclaimed a socialist state, paving the way for close relations with the USSR. In 1977, with the help of Soviet arms, Somalia attempted to seize the Ogaden region of Ethiopia, but was defeated thanks to Soviet and Cuban backing for Ethiopia, which had turned Marxist.

In 1991 President Barre was overthrown by opposing clans. But they failed to agree on a replacement and plunged the country into lawlessness and clan warfare.

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At a glance

wpid 54524290 som drought afp Somalia profile

Scene of Africa's worst humanitarian crisis: aid agencies warn that millions face starvation

No effective government since 1991

Islamist militia and UN-backed transitional government compete for control of country

The self-proclaimed state of Somaliland and the region of Puntland run their own affairs

Country profiles compiled by BBC Monitoring

In 2000 clan elders and other senior figures appointed Abdulkassim Salat Hassan president at a conference in Djibouti. A transitional government was set up, with the aim of reconciling warring militias.

But as its mandate drew to a close, the administration had made little progress in uniting the country.

In 2004, after protracted talks in Kenya, the main warlords and politicians signed a deal to set up a new parliament, which later appointed a president.

The fledgling administration, the 14th attempt to establish a government since 1991, has faced a formidable task in bringing reconciliation to a country divided into clan fiefdoms.

Islamist insurgency

Its authority was further compromised in 2006 by the rise of Islamists who gained control of much of the south, including the capital, after their militias kicked out the warlords who had ruled the roost for 15 years.

With the backing of Ethiopian troops, forces loyal to the interim administration seized control from the Islamists at the end of 2006.

Islamist insurgents – including the Al-Shabab group, which later declared allegiance to al-Qaeda and in 2012 announced its merger with the global Islamist terrorist group – fought back against the government and Ethiopian forces, regaining control of most of southern Somalia by late 2008.

Ethiopia pulled its troops out in January 2009. Soon after, Al-Shabab fighters took control of Baidoa, formerly a key stronghold of the transitional government.

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Foreign intervention in Somalia

1992 – UN troops arrive to monitor ceasefire after fighting which followed fall of Siad Barre. US-led task force delivers aid

1993 – UN mission is dealt a fatal blow when US rangers are killed in incident made famous by Hollywood film Black Hawk Down

1995 – UN troops withdraw, leaving warlords to fight on. UN casualties number 150

2006 – Ethiopia sends troops to defend interim government

2007 – African peacekeeping force AMISOM deploys

2011 – Kenya enters Somalia in pursuit of al-Shabab militia

Somalia's parliament met in neighbouring Djibouti in late January and swore in 149 new members from the main opposition movement, the Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia.

The parliament also extended the mandate of the transitional federal government for another two years, and installed moderate Islamist Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmad as the new president.

However, the government's military position weakened further, and in May 2009 Islamist insurgents launched an attack on Mogadishu, prompting President Ahmad to appeal for help from abroad.

Al-Shabab appears to have consolidated its position as the most powerful insurgent group by driving its main rival, Hizbul Islam, out of the southern port city of Kismayo in October 2009. They made what they called a tactical retreat from Mogadishu in August 2011.

Piracy

The long-standing absence of authority in the country has led to Somali pirates becoming a major threat to international shipping in the area, and has prompted Nato to take the lead in an anti-piracy operation.

In 2011, the plight of the Somali people was exacerbated by the worst drought in six decades, which left millions of people on the verge of starvation and caused tens of thousands to flee to Kenya and Ethiopia in search of food.

After the collapse of the Siad Barre regime in 1991, the north-west part of Somalia unilaterally declared itself the independent Republic of Somaliland. The territory, whose independence is not recognised by international bodies, has enjoyed relative stability.

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Hyena feeding, Harar
3251599172 b18d02e0a8 Hyena feeding, Harar

Image by zz77
Harar is famous for its hyena feeding cereminy that take place every evening in two different sites – Christian and Muslim – just outside the walls of old city.

"The origin of feeding the hyenas date back to the great famine of the late 19th Century.

According to legend, the hyenas were fed by the inhabitants of Harar to appease the animals in good times, so that in times of drought they would not attack people or livestock.

Today, the hyena men of Harar make a living by feeding wild hyenas for the benefit of tourists and curious locals."

news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/2079781.stm

wpid 60022389 014652502 2 Sudan pledges to cease fighting Thousands of people have fled their homes as a result of the fighting

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Sudan: Coping with divorce

Is war inevitable?

Rebels seek advantage

Southerners in legal limbo

Horror of deadly cattle vendetta

Sudan has promised to cease hostilities with South Sudan and comply with a UN Security Council resolution.

However the foreign ministry also said that Khartoum reserved the right to respond to “aggression” from the South.

The statement came hours after Juba alleged fresh bombing by the Khartoum government's forces.

A UN resolution on Wednesday backed an African Union plan demanding both sides cease hostilities, amid fears of an all-out war between the neighbours.

The Security Council called for a written commitment by both governments within 48 hours, and threatened sanctions if its terms were not met.

The South has already said it accepts the terms of the roadmap.

The BBC's James Copnall in Khartoum says that both sides appear to have been brought back to the negotiating table, but tension is still high.

In a statement, a foreign ministry spokesman said Sudan would “fully commit to what has been issued in the resolution about stopping hostilities with South Sudan according to the time limits issued”.

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Main disputes between Sudans

Transit fees South Sudan should pay Sudan to use its oil pipelines

Demarcating the border

Both sides claim Abyei

The rights of each other's citizens now in a foreign country – there are estimated to be 500,000 southerners in Sudan and 80,000 Sudanese in South Sudan

Each accuses the other of supporting rebel groups on its territory

Is war inevitable?

It added that it hoped the “other party will commit to stop the hostilities completely and withdraw its troops from the disputed areas so as not to put SAF [Sudanese Armed Forces] in a situation where it has to defend itself”.

Under the roadmap, the two countries have until next Tuesday to restart negotiations and three months to reach an agreement.

Our correspondent says that while both countries have now committed themselves to the roadmap, they have also accused each other of new attacks.

In its statement, he says, Sudan pointed out the numerous ways in which it considers it has been attacked by South Sudan in the last few days.

Meanwhile, South Sudan said that Sudanese warplanes had bombed a military position in Unity state, and said that there had also been a ground attack.

The latest crisis began last month when the south seized a disputed oil field at Heglig.

Disputes over the sharing of oil revenue is a major cause of conflict between Juba and Khartoum.

South Sudan took most of the oil reserves when it seceded in July 2011, but relies on pipelines to seaports in Sudan for distribution.

The South seceded from Sudan as part of a 2005 peace treaty following two decades of civil war in which some 1.5m people died.

Sudan: A country divided

Oil fields

Geography

Ethnic groups

Infant mortality

Water & sanitation

Education

Food insecurity

Show regions

sud oil Sudan pledges to cease fighting

Both Sudan and the South are reliant on their oil revenues, which account for 98% of South Sudan’s budget. But the two countries cannot agree how to divide the oil wealth of the former united state. Some 75% of the oil lies in the South but all the pipelines run north. It is feared that disputes over oil could lead the two neighbours to return to war.

sud sat Sudan pledges to cease fighting

Although they were united for many years, the two Sudans were always very different. The great divide is visible even from space, as this Nasa satellite image shows. The northern states are a blanket of desert, broken only by the fertile Nile corridor. South Sudan is covered by green swathes of grassland, swamps and tropical forest.

sud ethnic Sudan pledges to cease fighting

Sudan’s arid north is mainly home to Arabic-speaking Muslims. But in South Sudan there is no dominant culture. The Dinkas and the Nuers are the largest of more than 200 ethnic groups, each with its own languages and traditional beliefs, alongside Christianity and Islam.

sud infant Sudan pledges to cease fighting

The health inequalities in Sudan are illustrated by infant mortality rates. In South Sudan, one in 10 children die before their first birthday. Whereas in the more developed northern states, such as Gezira and White Nile, half of those children would be expected to survive.

sud water Sudan pledges to cease fighting

The gulf in water resources between north and south is stark. In Khartoum, River Nile, and Gezira states, two-thirds of people have access to piped drinking water and pit latrines. In the south, boreholes and unprotected wells are the main drinking sources. More than 80% of southerners have no toilet facilities whatsoever.

sud edu Sudan pledges to cease fighting

Throughout the two Sudans, access to primary school education is strongly linked to household earnings. In the poorest parts of the south, less than 1% of children finish primary school. Whereas in the wealthier north, up to 50% of children complete primary level education.

sud food Sudan pledges to cease fighting

Conflict and poverty are the main causes of food insecurity in both countries. The residents of war-affected Darfur and South Sudan are still greatly dependent on food aid. Far more than in northern states, which tend to be wealthier, more urbanised and less reliant on agriculture.

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wpid 59589971 014424121 1 African viewpoint: Pock marked politics In Senegal, soldiers march during the inauguration of newly elected President Macky Sall

This bloodletting, as we have seen in other parts of the planet is harder to combat because it has its roots and conviction in religious faith.

The faithful – and they seem to be all around us this century – would like to turn the clock back in northern Nigeria, northern Mali and, of course, Somalia to a time none of us living have seen but which, we are assured, renders their faith purer and unsullied by the imperfections of the modern world.

Ironically, al-Shabab's communications team, however, has embraced Twitter – that megaphone of the 21st Century for character-challenged publicity seekers – and we learn from their profile, for example, that “Harakat Al-Shabaab Al Mujahideen is an Islamic movement that governs South & Cen Somalia & part of the global struggle towards the revival of Islamic Khilaafa”.

The enemy, though, for this particular brand of faith is everywhere, and the bomb which nearly claimed the prime minister's life in the National Theatre was strapped, according to the Mogadishu officials, on the body of a 16-year-old girl who can only be more of a victim than a martyr.

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“Start Quote

Conquerors and governments pass before the people as dim rumours, as entertainment in a hospital ward”

End Quote Writer John Updike

And what is more, scores of African soldiers seem to be paying the ultimate price to contain this growing threat and it is difficult to gauge how long it will take to end it all.

Over in Nigeria as Christians marked Christmas last December, Boko Haram struck a church with devastating effect. And now as Christians marked Easter Sunday, it seems that Boko Haram may be behind the two car bombs that exploded in a crowded area in Kaduna.

This battle of faiths is one that will pull us all in different directions and there is no sign that the government of President Goodluck Jonathan is any closer to getting an authoritative handle on the situation.

Gentle persuasion?

Meanwhile Mali reminded us all that the coup is still our continent's most likely source of a sudden change of government. From Libya's Muammar Gaddafi to Ethiopia's Mengistu Haile Mariam, men in uniform became heads of state and correspondents could cover up to 29 coups in a lifetime during the 20th Century.

Even in this century a splattering of presidents came from the barracks and only last year we had Guinea following that well-trodden path.

“Conquerors and governments pass before the people as dim rumours, as entertainment in a hospital ward,” wrote John Updike in his novel The Coup.

And laughter for the sick is a painful thing.

wpid 59589945 hi002446908 African viewpoint: Pock marked politics The Djinguereber Mosque in Timbuktu was built in 1325

Mali's Capt Amadou Sanago, the head of this coup, has been gently persuaded to abandon his putsch by an economic blockade and a lack of support from the regional body Ecowas.

In exchange for an amnesty for the captain and his men, the economic embargo would be lifted and the captain must hand power to the head of the national assembly – Diouncounda Traore – to organise national elections within 40 days of the power transfer.

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“Start Quote

wpid 59579442 142576544 African viewpoint: Pock marked politics

The death of a president in Malawi and the successful transition of power to a female president in Joyce Banda can be seen as a miracle of sorts”

End Quote

Joyce Banda profile

But those national elections, should they happen on schedule, may well not include large chunks of northern Mali.

For as Capt Sanago was taking over power in Bamako, Tuareg rebels said to have been once fighting for the dead Colonel Gaddafi led a rebellion in the north and took over large chunks of the country, including three key towns that included Timbuktu, a city of staggering significance to the continent for its cultural and religious importance.

The Tuareg rebels have been unclear about their rumoured alliance with Ansar Dine, yet another radical Islamist group that is part of the new northern Mali nation the rebels have named Azawad.

Ansar Dine are rumoured to have even closer ties to al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb.

And so this vast region, that is home to the Djinguereber Mosque, Timbuktu's oldest mosque built in 1325, may soon see rocket-propelled grenades smashing into its ancient towns as various sides try to establish control.

We only have to look at Mogadishu's pock-marked visage to imagine what northern Mali's towns will one day look like, should these wars of faith head that way.

Given these events, the death of a president in Malawi and the successful transition of power to a female president in Joyce Banda can be seen as a miracle of sorts.

If you would like to comment on Farai Sevenzo's column, please do so below.

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 54027812 zambia Zambia profile

Zambia, in south-central Africa, is the continent's biggest copper producer and home to the Victoria Falls, one of the Seven Natural Wonders of the World.

The Victoria Falls – also known locally as the ''Smoke that Thunders'' – are to be found along the Zambezi River and have UNESCO World Heritage status.

They are one of the country's many natural features which have been enticing a growing number of tourists, along with the wide variety of wildlife to be found in large game parks.

Another draw for visitors is the fact that Zambia has been peaceful and generally trouble-free, especially compared to most of the eight neighbours with which it shares a border.

The area was colonised in the 1800s and ruled by Britain as Northern Rhodesia until 1964, when it made a peaceful transition to independence.

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At a glance

Politics: Michael Sata won the presidency in 2011, unseating a government that had been in power for 20 years

Economy: Improved copper prices and investment in mining have improved prospects for export earnings

International: Thousands of refugees from the Angolan civil war have yet to return home

Country profiles compiled by BBC Monitoring

Kenneth Kaunda – who led the country at independence and for the next three decades – introduced central planning into the economy and nationalised key sectors including the copper mines. His policies, together with a drop in copper prices, are blamed for the country's economic woes during his time.

The country was also made to suffer for its support of liberation movements trying to remove white rule in South Africa and what is now Zimbabwe.

The country's economic fortunes began to change in the late 1990s when the privatisation of the mining sector began to draw in foreign investment and improve output. Government support for agriculture is also said to have contributed to economic growth, averaging around 6% a year in recent years.

President Kaunda imposed single-party socialism, in which his United National Independence Party (UNIP) was the only legal political party within a ''one-party participatory democracy''.

Constitutional change was introduced in 1991 under popular pressure, allowing a multi-party system and a change of leadership.

Zambia has a reputation for political stability and a relatively efficient, transparent government.

However, social conditions are tough. Poverty is widespread. Life expectancy is among the lowest in the world and the death rate is one of the highest – largely due to the prevalence of HIV/Aids.

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 54199220 comoros Comoros profile

Potentially a holiday paradise with picture-postcard beaches, the Comoros islands are trying to consolidate political stability amid tensions between semi-autonomous islands and the central government.

A history of political violence has left the Comoros desperately poor. At times, the country has teetered on the brink of disintegration.

The three Indian Ocean islands have experienced more than 20 coups or attempted coups, beginning just weeks after independence from France in 1975 when President Ahmed Abdallah was toppled in a coup assisted by French mercenary Colonel Bob Denard. Colonel Denard featured in several power struggles over the years.

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At a glance

wpid 52390855 comoros voters2 afp 106609746 Comoros profile

Politics: After coups and secession bids, the Comoros gained some stability under a 2001 constitution granting the islands of Grande Comore, Anjouan, Moheli greater autonomy within a federation. The extension of the current president's term has caused tension

Economy: Comoros is heavily reliant on aid and remittances from the diaspora

International: The African Union and South Africa have been involved in helping to stabilise the Comoros politically

To add to the country's troubles, the islands of Anjouan and Moheli declared unilateral independence in a violent conflict in 1997.

In an effort to bring the breakaway islands back into the fold, Moheli, Anjouan and the largest island, Grande Comore, were granted greater autonomy under a 2001 constitution.

The Union of the Comoros retained control of security and financial matters.

The people of the Comoros are among the poorest in Africa and are heavily dependent on foreign aid. Natural resources are in short supply and the islands' chief exports – vanilla, cloves and perfume essence – are prone to price fluctuations. Money sent home by Comorans living abroad is an important source of income.

The descendants of Arab traders, Malay immigrants and African peoples contribute to the islands' complex ethnic mix.

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U.S. Africa Command C4ISR Senior Leaders Conference, Vicenza, Italy, February 2011
5412863229 e1869724ca U.S. Africa Command C4ISR Senior Leaders Conference, Vicenza, Italy, February 2011

Image by US Army Africa
U.S. Army Africa photo by David Ruderman

U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) hosted its second annual C4ISR Senior Leaders Conference Feb. 2-4 at Caserma Ederle, headquarters of U.S. Army Africa, in Vicenza, Italy.

The communications and intelligence community event, hosted by Brig. Gen. Robert Ferrell, AFRICOM C4 director, drew approximately 80 senior leaders from diverse U.S. military and government branches and agencies, as well as representatives of African nations and the African Union.

The conference is a combination of our U.S. AFRICOM C4 systems and intel directorate,” said Ferrell. “We come together annually to bring the team together to work on common goals to work on throughout the year. The team consists of our coalition partners as well as our inter-agency partners, as well as our components and U.S. AFRICOM staff.”

The conference focused on updates from participants, and on assessing the present state and goals of coalition partners in Africa, he said.

“The theme for our conference is ‘Delivering Capabilities to a Joint Information Environment,’ and we see it as a joint and combined team … working together, side by side, to promote peace and stability there on the African continent,” Ferrell said.

Three goals of this year’s conference were to strengthen the team, assess priorities across the board, and get a better fix on the impact that the establishment of the U.S. Cyber Command will have on all members’ efforts in the future, he said.

“With the stand-up of U.S. Cyber Command, it brings a lot of unique challenges that we as a team need to talk through to ensure that our information is protected at all times,” Ferrell said.

African Union (AU) representatives from four broad geographic regions of Africa attended, which generated a holistic perspective on needs and requirements from across the continent, he said.

“We have members from the African Union headquarters that is located in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; we have members that are from Uganda; from Zambia; from Ghana; and also from the Congo. What are the gaps, what are the things that we kind of need to assist with as we move forward on our engagements on the African continent?” Ferrell said.

U.S. Army Africa Commander, Maj. Gen. David R. Hogg, welcomed participants as the conference got under way.

“We’re absolutely delighted to be the host for this conference, and we hope that this week you get a whole lot out of it,” said Hogg.

He took the opportunity to address the participants not only as their host, but from the perspective of a customer whose missions depend on the results of their efforts to support commanders in the field.

“When we’re talking about this group of folks that are here — from the joint side, from our African partners, from State, all those folks — it’s about partnership and interoperability. And every commander who’s ever had to fight in a combined environment understands that interoperability is the thing that absolutely slaps you upside the head,” Hogg said.

“We’re in the early stages of the process here of working with the African Union and the other partners, and you have an opportunity to design this from the end state, versus just building a bunch of ‘gunkulators.’ And so, the message is: think about what the end state is supposed to look like and construct the strategy to support the end state.

“Look at where we want to be at and design it that way,” Hogg said.

He also admonished participants to consider the second- and third-order effects of their choices in designing networks.

“With that said, over the next four days, I hope this conference works very well for you. If there’s anything we can do to make your stay better, please let us know,” Hogg said.

Over the following three days, participants engaged in a steady stream of briefings and presentations focused on systems, missions and updates from the field.

Col. Joseph W. Angyal, director of U.S. Army Africa G-6, gave an overview of operations and issues that focused on fundamentals, the emergence of regional accords as a way forward, and the evolution of a joint network enterprise that would serve all interested parties.

“What we’re trying to do is to work regionally. That’s frankly a challenge, but as we stand up the capability, really for the U.S. government, and work through that, we hope to become more regionally focused,” he said.

He referred to Africa Endeavor, an annual, multi-nation communications exercise, as a test bed for the current state of affairs on the continent, and an aid in itself to future development.

“In order to conduct those exercises, to conduct those security and cooperation events, and to meet contingency missions, we really, from the C4ISR perspective, have five big challenges,” Angyal said.

“You heard General Hogg this morning talk about ‘think about the customer’ — you’ve got to allow me to be able to get access to our data; I’ve got to be able to get to the data where and when I need it; you’ve got to be able to protect it; I have to be able to share it; and then finally, the systems have to be able to work together in order to build that coalition.

“One of the reasons General Ferrell is setting up this joint information enterprise, this joint network enterprise . . . it’s almost like trying to bring together disparate companies or corporations: everyone has their own system, they’ve paid for their own infrastructure, and they have their own policy, even though they support the same major company.

“Now multiply that when you bring in different services, multiply that when you bring in different U.S. government agencies, and then put a layer on top of that with the international partners, and there are lots of policies that are standing in our way.”

The main issue is not a question of technology, he said.

“The boxes are the same — a Cisco router is a Cisco router; Microsoft Exchange server is the same all over the world — but it’s the way that we employ them, and it’s the policies that we apply to it, that really stops us from interoperating, and that’s the challenge we hope to work through with the joint network enterprise.

“And I think that through things like Africa Endeavor and through the joint enterprise network, we’re looking at knocking down some of those policy walls, but at the end of the day they are ours to knock down. Bill Gates did not design a system to work only for the Army or for the Navy — it works for everyone,” Angyal said.

Brig. Gen. Joseph Searyoh, director general of Defense Information Communication Systems, General Headquarters, Ghana Armed Forces, agreed that coordinating policy is fundamental to improving communications with all its implications for a host of operations and missions.

“One would expect that in these modern times there is some kind of mutual engagement, and to build that engagement to be strong, there must be some kind of element of trust. … We have to build some kind of trust to be able to move forward,” said Searyoh.

“Some people may be living in silos of the past, but in the current engagement we need to tell people that we are there with no hidden agenda, no negative hidden agenda, but for the common good of all of us.

“We say that we are in the information age, and I’ve been saying something: that our response should not be optional, but it must be a must, because if you don’t join now, you are going to be left behind.

“So what do we do? We have to get our house in order.

“Why do I say so? We used to operate like this before the information age; now in the information age, how do we operate?

“So, we have to get our house in order and see whether we are aligning ourselves with way things should work now. So, our challenge is to come up with a strategy, see how best we can reorganize our structures, to be able to deliver communications-information systems support for the Ghana Armed Forces,” he said.

Searyoh related that his organization has already accomplished one part of erecting the necessary foundation by establishing an appropriate policy structure.

“What is required now is the implementing level. Currently we have communications on one side, and computers on one side. The lines are blurred — you cannot operate like that, you’ve got to bring them together,” he said.

Building that merged entity to support deployed forces is what he sees as the primary challenge at present.

“Once you get that done you can talk about equipment, you can talk about resources,” Searyoh said. “I look at the current collaboration between the U.S. and the coalition partners taking a new level.”

“The immediate challenges that we have is the interoperability, which I think is one of the things we are also discussing here, interoperability and integration,” said Lt. Col. Kelvin Silomba, African Union-Zambia, Information Technology expert for the Africa Stand-by Force.

“You know that we’ve got five regions in Africa. All these regions, we need to integrate them and bring them together, so the challenge of interoperability in terms of equipment, you know, different tactical equipment that we use, and also in terms of the language barrier — you know, all these regions in Africa you find that they speak different languages — so to bring them together we need to come up with one standard that will make everybody on board and make everybody able to talk to each other,” he said.

“So we have all these challenges. Other than that also, stemming from the background of these African countries, based on the colonization: some of them were French colonized, some of them were British colonized and so on, so you find that when they come up now we’ve adopted some of the procedures based on our former colonial masters, so that is another challenge that is coming on board.”

The partnership with brother African states, with the U.S. government and its military branches, and with other interested collaborators has had a positive influence, said Silomba.

“Oh, it’s great. From the time that I got engaged with U.S. AFRICOM — I started with Africa Endeavor, before I even came to the AU — it is my experience that it is something very, very good.

“I would encourage — I know that there are some member states — I would encourage that all those member states they come on board, all of these regional organizations, that they come on board and support the AFRICOM lead. It is something that is very, very good.

“As for example, the African Union has a lot of support that’s been coming in, technical as well as in terms of knowledge and equipment. So it’s great; it’s good and it’s great,” said Salimba.

Other participant responses to the conference were positive as well.

“The feedback I’ve gotten from every member is that they now know what the red carpet treatment looks like, because USARAF has gone over and above board to make sure the environment, the atmosphere and the actual engagements … are executed to perfection,” said Ferrell. “It’s been very good from a team-building aspect.

“We’ve had very good discussions from members of the African Union, who gave us a very good understanding of the operations that are taking place in the area of Somalia, the challenges with communications, and laid out the gaps and desires of where they see that the U.S. and other coalition partners can kind of improve the capacity there in that area of responsibility.

“We also talked about the AU, as they are expanding their reach to all of the five regions, of how can they have that interoperability and connectivity to each of the regions,” Ferrell said.

“(It’s been) a wealth of knowledge and experts that are here to share in terms of how we can move forward with building capacities and capabilities. Not only for U.S. interests, but more importantly from my perspective, in building capacities and capabilities for our African partners beginning with the Commission at the African Union itself,” said Kevin Warthon, U.S. State Department, peace and security adviser to the African Union.

“I think that General Ferrell has done an absolutely wonderful thing by inviting key African partners to participate in this event so they can share their personal experience from a national, regional and continental perspective,” he said.

Warthon related from his personal experience a vignette of African trust in Providence that he believed carries a pertinent metaphor and message to everyone attending the conference.

“We are not sure what we are going to do tomorrow, but the one thing that I am sure of is that we are able to do something. Don’t know when, don’t know how, but as long as our focus is on our ability to assist and to help to progress a people, that’s really what counts more than anything else,” he said.

“Don’t worry about the timetable; just focus on your ability to make a difference and that’s what that really is all about.

“I see venues such as this as opportunities to make what seems to be the impossible become possible. … This is what this kind of venue does for our African partners.

“We’re doing a wonderful job at building relationships, because that’s where it begins — we have to build relationships to establish trust. That’s why this is so important: building trust through relationships so that we can move forward in the future,” Warthon said.

Conference members took a cultural tour of Venice and visited a traditional winery in the hills above Vicenza before adjourning.

To learn more about U.S. Army Africa visit our official website at www.usaraf.army.mil

Official Twitter Feed: www.twitter.com/usarmyafrica

Official YouTube video channel: www.youtube.com/usarmyafrica

 60010847 nigeria potiskum 304 Dozens killed in Nigeria raid

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Dozens of people have been killed in an attack on a cattle market in north-eastern Nigeria, witnesses have told the BBC.

Witnesses say they saw several bodies being removed after the market in Potiskum, Yobe state, was set on fire by gunmen armed with explosives.

A hospital source told the AFP news agency that up to 34 people had died.

Police say the attack may be in revenge for the killing by traders of a man who had earlier tried to steal cattle.

‘Threw explosives’

“A group of gunmen armed with around 20 explosives and assault rifles attacked the Potiskum cattle market,” police spokesman Toyin Gbadegesin told AFP.

“They threw explosives and shot indiscriminately, setting fire to the market, killing lots of livestock and wounding many people, mostly cattle dealers,” he said.

The normally busy market was razed to the ground late on Wednesday and many animals were also burned to death, residents say.

Correspondents say the attack does not appear to be the work of the radical Islamist group Boko Haram, which has carried out deadly bombings and shootings across northern Nigeria in the past 20 months.

Cattle raids are common in the north of Nigeria.

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