53956260 saotome principe Sao Tome and Principe profile

Sao Tome and Principe, once a leading cocoa producer, is poised to profit from the commercial exploitation of large offshore reserves of oil.

But arguments have arisen over how to spend the expected windfall, leading to political tension.

One of Africa's smallest countries, Sao Tome and Principe consists of two islands of volcanic origin and a number of smaller islets.

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At a glance

wpid 54445926 saotome streetscene afp1 Sao Tome and Principe profile

Politics: President de Menezes was re-elected in July 2006. Power is constitutionally split between president and prime minister, which has led to several cohabitation governments

Economy: Sao Tome hopes to reduce dependence on donors and cocoa exports by exploiting offshore oil. The award of exploration contracts has been controversial

International: Sao Tome and Nigeria share offshore oil fields which have yet to be exploited. Nigeria intervened to prevent a coup in 2003

From the late 1400s Portugal began settling convicts on Sao Tome and establishing sugar plantations with the help of slaves from the mainland. The island was also important in the transshipment of slaves.

The colony's aspirations for independence were recognised after the 1974 coup in Portugal and at first the Movement for the Liberation of Sao Tome and Principe was the country's sole political party. However, the 1990 constitution created a multi-party democracy. The island of Principe assumed autonomy in 1995.

Sao Tome and Principe is trying to shake off its dependence on the cocoa crop. Falls in production and prices left the island state heavily reliant on foreign aid. The government has been encouraging economic diversification and is set to exploit the billions of barrels of oil which are thought to lie off the country's coast.

Drilling is under way and commercial production is expected to begin within a few years.

Promoters of tourism say the islands have plenty for visitors to see. But hurdles include ignorance about the country, the difficulties of getting there, and what some say is an exaggerated fear of malaria.

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Mountain range in South Africa
5077675842 bc3fbc632b Mountain range in South Africa

Image by dorena-wm
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Fotografiert auf dem Flug von Johannesburg nach Kapstadt in Südafrika
Taken on the flight from Johannesburg to Cape Town in South Africa

wpid 60157101 jermainegrantgatehousepic Analysis: A British threat from Somalia Jermaine Grant has been convicted of illegally entering Kenya

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The black flag of al-Shabab flies on Twitter – and its tweets are in English – English that reads like it is written by a native speaker.

We don't know who the writer is – but over the last five years there have been mounting questions over the number of people from the UK who have been going to Somalia to help al-Shabab, the organisation affiliated to al-Qaeda that controls part of the country.

This spring, those concerns have been focused on the case of East Londoner Jermaine Grant. He is accused in Kenya of being part of a bomb plot orchestrated by the Islamist movement.

Grant, already convicted of entering the country illegally, denies involvement in a plot and his lawyers say he has been beaten and subjected to solitary confinement.

But it's now emerged that Samantha Lewthwaite, the widow of 7/7 bomber Jermaine Lindsay, is wanted in connection with the same alleged bomb plot for which Jermaine Grant is now on trial.

wpid 58791456 passport Analysis: A British threat from Somalia Samantha Lewthwaite is believed to be missing from Kenya

Jacob Ondari told the BBC that investigators suspect the two worked together and that Ms Lewthwaite was the “financier”. She is missing from Kenya and has not been formally charged.

The alleged link to 7/7 is the starkest example yet of why the British security and intelligence agencies are so worried about Britons in Somalia.

The ringleader of the 7/7 bombers, Mohammad Sidique Khan, began his journey to a violent end by rattling buckets raising cash for Kashmir. He then went to Pakistan for mujahideen training and, much later, brought his war back to the UK.

It's this fear of “blowback” that has become a primary concern for security officials looking at Somalia. Just as with Pakistan, there are now substantial ethnic and community links between the UK and the Horn of Africa nations.

Officials fear that the young British people who go to Somalia to join al-Shabab's jihad will return with the skills and the mindset to launch attacks on British streets – just like Sidique Khan before them.

Incognito jihadist

What's more, as Al-Qaeda's core has increasingly struggled to operate in Pakistan and Afghanistan, al-Shabab has increasingly become an attractive alternative.

But are the fears justified?

Jonathan Evans, the director general of MI5 has said that there are a “significant number” of UK residents training with al-Shabab.

None of this means that any young Briton who goes to East Africa is an incognito jihadist. But it's clear there are those who are.

One of the first was a 21-year-old British man who blew himself up in an attack at an Ethiopian army checkpoint five years ago. The man, whose identity has never been publicly confirmed, recorded his martyrdom video in clear English.

wpid 58693864 014001408 1 Analysis: A British threat from Somalia Al-Shabab militants control much of central and southern Somalia

So how many more have followed him out to Somalia? Rusi, the security think tank. estimates there are 50 British fighters in Somalia but, to be frank, nobody really knows. Some Somali community leaders have suggested hundreds have been through al-Shabab's camps.

But last October, Cardiff man Abdirhman Haji Abdallah decided he wouldn't sit quietly when his son and a friend appeared to be heading off to Somalia to join those numbers. He got on a plane to bring them back home.

“My son was misled into believing that he was fighting in a holy war,” he told the BBC Somali Service.

“He was brainwashed and taken away from us and he was told that he was going to fight a holy war in Somalia.

“With God's help the authorities managed to arrest my son near the Somali-Kenyan border.”

On their return, the young men were interviewed by the Metropolitan Police. They were later released without charge.

Mr Abdallah's fears are shared by many in Somali communities.

Teaching assistant

There have been at least two cases before the Special Immigration Appeals Commission, the semi-secret court that deals with national security deportations, in which the home secretary has sought to bar people from the UK because of their links to al-Shabab.

One case involved a man who attended the same Cumbrian training camp as the failed 21 July London suicide plotters.

 60125364 shabaabtweets Analysis: A British threat from Somalia Al-Shabab's Twitter feed announces the death of a British fighter

Elsewhere, a former teaching assistant from east London, Shabaaz Hussain, was recently jailed for five years for donating £9,000 for terrorism in Somalia.

The 28-year-old provided cash to three of his friends who had left the UK to allegedly fight in the east African country.

Two of the men currently subjected to monitoring and control in their own homes under Terrorism Prevention and Investigation Measures (T-pims, the system that used to be called control orders) have alleged links to extremism in Somalia.

It's worth stressing that these men have not been charged with offences – and a great deal of the case against them is heard behind closed doors.

But. nevertheless, the public judgement in the case of one of the men, BX, revealed that MI5 had assessed that he had received terror training in Somalia and had helped to arrange funding for al-Qaeda associates in East Africa.

When he was first arrested in Nairobi, the High Court was told, he attempted to eat a list of phone numbers. He was returned to the UK and later placed under a control order and moved out of London to break up his alleged network.

One of the men he was banned from meeting was called Bilal Berjawi. The ban ultimately didn't matter. Mr Berjawi returned to Somalia, adopted the nom-de-guerre Abu Hafsa and was later described as a senior commander.

And he was the British man killed by the drone strike earlier this year, tweeted by al-Shabab.

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 53733184 namibia Namibia profile

Namibia, a large and sparsely populated country on Africa's south-west coast, has enjoyed stability since gaining independence in 1990 after a long struggle against rule by South Africa.

Germany took control of the area which it called South West Africa in the late 1800s. The discovery of diamonds in 1908 prompted an influx of Europeans. South Africa seized it during World War I and administered it under a League of Nations mandate.

Germany has apologised to Namibia for the colonial-era killings of thousands of members of the Herero ethnic group; their descendants have asked Berlin for financial compensation.

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At a glance

wpid 54436581 nam himbawoman afpgetty Namibia profile

Politics: President Pohamba took over from independence fighter Sam Nujoma, who led the ruling SWAPO party until 2007. The opposition has only minor representation in parliament

Economy: Main trading partner is South Africa. Government keen to step up land acquisitions from white farmers

Namibians achieved independence in 1990 after a bush war of almost 25 years. Inter-racial reconciliation encouraged the country's white people to remain and they still play a major role in farming and other economic sectors.

In recent years supporters of land reform have become more vocal. The expropriation of white-owned farms began in 2005 and the government says it aims to resettle many thousands of landless citizens.

Like its neighbours, Namibia's wellbeing is being threatened by the HIV/Aids epidemic, which is estimated to affect 25% of Namibians. Mr Nujoma made the fight against the disease a national priority.

In the late 1990s secessionist troubles in the Caprivi Strip, in eastern Namibia, prompted thousands to flee to Botswana. In 2002 the government declared that the area was safe for tourists.

Deserts occupy much of the country; their dunes take on shapes and colours according to the elements. The country also boasts game-rich grasslands and a semi-arid Central Plateau, large tracts of which are given over to livestock farming.

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 54199599 morocco Morocco country profile   Overview

The Kingdom of Morocco is the most westerly of the North African countries known as the Maghreb.

Strategically situated with both Atlantic and Mediterranean coastlines, but with a rugged mountainous interior, it stayed independent for centuries while developing a rich culture blended from Arab, Berber, European and African influences.

Morocco was a French protectorate from 1912 to 1956, when Sultan Mohammed became king. He was succeeded in 1961 by his son, Hassan II, who ruled for 38 years. He played a prominent role in the search for peace in the Middle East, given the large number of Israelis of Moroccan origin, but was criticised for suppressing domestic opposition.

A truth commission set up to investigate human rights violations during Hassan's reign has confirmed nearly 10,000 cases, ranging from death in detention to forced exile.

wpid 54218321 marrakeshtiles afp2 Morocco country profile   Overview A former capital, Marrakesh is famed for its architecture

After his death in 1999 Hassan was succeeded by his son, who became King Mohammed VI and was seen as a moderniser. Mohammed VI introduced some economic and social liberalisation, and in 2011 he revised the constitution in response to “Arab Spring”-style protests. However, the monarch still retains considerable power and can veto most government decisions.

Morocco has expressed interest in becoming a member of the European Union, its main trade partner, but there appears to be little enthusiasm for this within the bloc.

To the south, the status of Western Sahara remains unresolved. Morocco annexed the territory in 1975 and a guerrilla war with Algerian-backed pro-independence forces ended in 1991. UN efforts have failed to break the political deadlock.

To the north, a dispute with Spain in 2002 over the tiny island of Perejil revived the issue of the sovereignty of Melilla and Ceuta. The small enclaves on the Mediterranean coast are surrounded by Morocco and have been administered by Madrid for centuries.

Morocco has been given the status of non-Nato ally by Washington, which has praised its support for the US-led war on terror. After deadly suicide bombings in Casablanca in 2003, Morocco launched a crackdown on suspected Islamic militants.

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U.S. Africa Command C4ISR Senior Leaders Conference, Vicenza, Italy, February 2011
5412897961 e3b94a8c39 U.S. Africa Command C4ISR Senior Leaders Conference, Vicenza, Italy, February 2011

Image by US Army Africa
U.S. Army photo by Sgt. 1st Class Kyle Davis

U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) hosted its second annual C4ISR Senior Leaders Conference Feb. 2-4 at Caserma Ederle, headquarters of U.S. Army Africa, in Vicenza, Italy.

The communications and intelligence community event, hosted by Brig. Gen. Robert Ferrell, AFRICOM C4 director, drew approximately 80 senior leaders from diverse U.S. military and government branches and agencies, as well as representatives of African nations and the African Union.

The conference is a combination of our U.S. AFRICOM C4 systems and intel directorate,” said Ferrell. “We come together annually to bring the team together to work on common goals to work on throughout the year. The team consists of our coalition partners as well as our inter-agency partners, as well as our components and U.S. AFRICOM staff.”

The conference focused on updates from participants, and on assessing the present state and goals of coalition partners in Africa, he said.

“The theme for our conference is ‘Delivering Capabilities to a Joint Information Environment,’ and we see it as a joint and combined team … working together, side by side, to promote peace and stability there on the African continent,” Ferrell said.

Three goals of this year’s conference were to strengthen the team, assess priorities across the board, and get a better fix on the impact that the establishment of the U.S. Cyber Command will have on all members’ efforts in the future, he said.

“With the stand-up of U.S. Cyber Command, it brings a lot of unique challenges that we as a team need to talk through to ensure that our information is protected at all times,” Ferrell said.

African Union (AU) representatives from four broad geographic regions of Africa attended, which generated a holistic perspective on needs and requirements from across the continent, he said.

“We have members from the African Union headquarters that is located in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia; we have members that are from Uganda; from Zambia; from Ghana; and also from the Congo. What are the gaps, what are the things that we kind of need to assist with as we move forward on our engagements on the African continent?” Ferrell said.

U.S. Army Africa Commander, Maj. Gen. David R. Hogg, welcomed participants as the conference got under way.

“We’re absolutely delighted to be the host for this conference, and we hope that this week you get a whole lot out of it,” said Hogg.

He took the opportunity to address the participants not only as their host, but from the perspective of a customer whose missions depend on the results of their efforts to support commanders in the field.

“When we’re talking about this group of folks that are here — from the joint side, from our African partners, from State, all those folks — it’s about partnership and interoperability. And every commander who’s ever had to fight in a combined environment understands that interoperability is the thing that absolutely slaps you upside the head,” Hogg said.

“We’re in the early stages of the process here of working with the African Union and the other partners, and you have an opportunity to design this from the end state, versus just building a bunch of ‘gunkulators.’ And so, the message is: think about what the end state is supposed to look like and construct the strategy to support the end state.

“Look at where we want to be at and design it that way,” Hogg said.

He also admonished participants to consider the second- and third-order effects of their choices in designing networks.

“With that said, over the next four days, I hope this conference works very well for you. If there’s anything we can do to make your stay better, please let us know,” Hogg said.

Over the following three days, participants engaged in a steady stream of briefings and presentations focused on systems, missions and updates from the field.

Col. Joseph W. Angyal, director of U.S. Army Africa G-6, gave an overview of operations and issues that focused on fundamentals, the emergence of regional accords as a way forward, and the evolution of a joint network enterprise that would serve all interested parties.

“What we’re trying to do is to work regionally. That’s frankly a challenge, but as we stand up the capability, really for the U.S. government, and work through that, we hope to become more regionally focused,” he said.

He referred to Africa Endeavor, an annual, multi-nation communications exercise, as a test bed for the current state of affairs on the continent, and an aid in itself to future development.

“In order to conduct those exercises, to conduct those security and cooperation events, and to meet contingency missions, we really, from the C4ISR perspective, have five big challenges,” Angyal said.

“You heard General Hogg this morning talk about ‘think about the customer’ — you’ve got to allow me to be able to get access to our data; I’ve got to be able to get to the data where and when I need it; you’ve got to be able to protect it; I have to be able to share it; and then finally, the systems have to be able to work together in order to build that coalition.

“One of the reasons General Ferrell is setting up this joint information enterprise, this joint network enterprise . . . it’s almost like trying to bring together disparate companies or corporations: everyone has their own system, they’ve paid for their own infrastructure, and they have their own policy, even though they support the same major company.

“Now multiply that when you bring in different services, multiply that when you bring in different U.S. government agencies, and then put a layer on top of that with the international partners, and there are lots of policies that are standing in our way.”

The main issue is not a question of technology, he said.

“The boxes are the same — a Cisco router is a Cisco router; Microsoft Exchange server is the same all over the world — but it’s the way that we employ them, and it’s the policies that we apply to it, that really stops us from interoperating, and that’s the challenge we hope to work through with the joint network enterprise.

“And I think that through things like Africa Endeavor and through the joint enterprise network, we’re looking at knocking down some of those policy walls, but at the end of the day they are ours to knock down. Bill Gates did not design a system to work only for the Army or for the Navy — it works for everyone,” Angyal said.

Brig. Gen. Joseph Searyoh, director general of Defense Information Communication Systems, General Headquarters, Ghana Armed Forces, agreed that coordinating policy is fundamental to improving communications with all its implications for a host of operations and missions.

“One would expect that in these modern times there is some kind of mutual engagement, and to build that engagement to be strong, there must be some kind of element of trust. … We have to build some kind of trust to be able to move forward,” said Searyoh.

“Some people may be living in silos of the past, but in the current engagement we need to tell people that we are there with no hidden agenda, no negative hidden agenda, but for the common good of all of us.

“We say that we are in the information age, and I’ve been saying something: that our response should not be optional, but it must be a must, because if you don’t join now, you are going to be left behind.

“So what do we do? We have to get our house in order.

“Why do I say so? We used to operate like this before the information age; now in the information age, how do we operate?

“So, we have to get our house in order and see whether we are aligning ourselves with way things should work now. So, our challenge is to come up with a strategy, see how best we can reorganize our structures, to be able to deliver communications-information systems support for the Ghana Armed Forces,” he said.

Searyoh related that his organization has already accomplished one part of erecting the necessary foundation by establishing an appropriate policy structure.

“What is required now is the implementing level. Currently we have communications on one side, and computers on one side. The lines are blurred — you cannot operate like that, you’ve got to bring them together,” he said.

Building that merged entity to support deployed forces is what he sees as the primary challenge at present.

“Once you get that done you can talk about equipment, you can talk about resources,” Searyoh said. “I look at the current collaboration between the U.S. and the coalition partners taking a new level.”

“The immediate challenges that we have is the interoperability, which I think is one of the things we are also discussing here, interoperability and integration,” said Lt. Col. Kelvin Silomba, African Union-Zambia, Information Technology expert for the Africa Stand-by Force.

“You know that we’ve got five regions in Africa. All these regions, we need to integrate them and bring them together, so the challenge of interoperability in terms of equipment, you know, different tactical equipment that we use, and also in terms of the language barrier — you know, all these regions in Africa you find that they speak different languages — so to bring them together we need to come up with one standard that will make everybody on board and make everybody able to talk to each other,” he said.

“So we have all these challenges. Other than that also, stemming from the background of these African countries, based on the colonization: some of them were French colonized, some of them were British colonized and so on, so you find that when they come up now we’ve adopted some of the procedures based on our former colonial masters, so that is another challenge that is coming on board.”

The partnership with brother African states, with the U.S. government and its military branches, and with other interested collaborators has had a positive influence, said Silomba.

“Oh, it’s great. From the time that I got engaged with U.S. AFRICOM — I started with Africa Endeavor, before I even came to the AU — it is my experience that it is something very, very good.

“I would encourage — I know that there are some member states — I would encourage that all those member states they come on board, all of these regional organizations, that they come on board and support the AFRICOM lead. It is something that is very, very good.

“As for example, the African Union has a lot of support that’s been coming in, technical as well as in terms of knowledge and equipment. So it’s great; it’s good and it’s great,” said Salimba.

Other participant responses to the conference were positive as well.

“The feedback I’ve gotten from every member is that they now know what the red carpet treatment looks like, because USARAF has gone over and above board to make sure the environment, the atmosphere and the actual engagements … are executed to perfection,” said Ferrell. “It’s been very good from a team-building aspect.

“We’ve had very good discussions from members of the African Union, who gave us a very good understanding of the operations that are taking place in the area of Somalia, the challenges with communications, and laid out the gaps and desires of where they see that the U.S. and other coalition partners can kind of improve the capacity there in that area of responsibility.

“We also talked about the AU, as they are expanding their reach to all of the five regions, of how can they have that interoperability and connectivity to each of the regions,” Ferrell said.

“(It’s been) a wealth of knowledge and experts that are here to share in terms of how we can move forward with building capacities and capabilities. Not only for U.S. interests, but more importantly from my perspective, in building capacities and capabilities for our African partners beginning with the Commission at the African Union itself,” said Kevin Warthon, U.S. State Department, peace and security adviser to the African Union.

“I think that General Ferrell has done an absolutely wonderful thing by inviting key African partners to participate in this event so they can share their personal experience from a national, regional and continental perspective,” he said.

Warthon related from his personal experience a vignette of African trust in Providence that he believed carries a pertinent metaphor and message to everyone attending the conference.

“We are not sure what we are going to do tomorrow, but the one thing that I am sure of is that we are able to do something. Don’t know when, don’t know how, but as long as our focus is on our ability to assist and to help to progress a people, that’s really what counts more than anything else,” he said.

“Don’t worry about the timetable; just focus on your ability to make a difference and that’s what that really is all about.

“I see venues such as this as opportunities to make what seems to be the impossible become possible. … This is what this kind of venue does for our African partners.

“We’re doing a wonderful job at building relationships, because that’s where it begins — we have to build relationships to establish trust. That’s why this is so important: building trust through relationships so that we can move forward in the future,” Warthon said.

Conference members took a cultural tour of Venice and visited a traditional winery in the hills above Vicenza before adjourning.

To learn more about U.S. Army Africa visit our official website at www.usaraf.army.mil

Official Twitter Feed: www.twitter.com/usarmyafrica

Official YouTube video channel: www.youtube.com/usarmyafrica

wpid 60141495 014499955 11 Murky world of South African politics Lt Gen Mdluli is accused of stealing funds and hiring his relatives as secret agents

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South Africa profile

“Glass half-full or half-empty?” I've never known a country that provokes more obsessive, anxious debate about the future than South Africa – a miraculous, maddening, soap opera of a nation that seems to sneer disdainfully at the very idea that it might simply muddle through.

I've always preferred the view and the clientele in the “half-full” camp, and tend to greet the latest statistics about exam failures and unemployment with the disclaimer that, long-term, things can go up as well as down.

But there is one issue that sometimes nudges me towards the pessimists, with their smugly folded arms and “told you so” smiles. And right now that issue is making all the headlines here.

The Richard Mdluli scandal is murky, complicated and unresolved. At a basic level, it is about the state's struggle to pursue serious allegations of fraud and corruption, and possibly murder, against one of South Africa's most senior policemen – the head of the crime intelligence unit.

Lt Gen Mdluli is accused of stealing funds from a secret service account and hiring his relatives as secret agents. He also faces older allegations that he arranged the death of a lover's husband.

In response, Mr Mdluli has claimed he is the victim of a sophisticated plot by powerful enemies who unfairly accuse him of being President Jacob Zuma's political attack dog. He has been suspended from his job, then reinstated, and finally shuffled to a less prominent post.

Perhaps this will all blow over. The optimists will reasonably point out that the authorities tend to move slowly and clumsily here, but often reach the right conclusions in the end. Give them time. Let justice take its course – after all, other senior policemen have ended up in jail, and plenty of other democracies have experienced worse growing pains. Surely South Africa has too boisterous a political culture to allow things to get out of hand?

But the pessimists argue, convincingly, that the Mdluli scandal is further proof of the politicisation of South Africa's police and prosecuting authorities; a contamination that began during the presidency of Thabo Mbeki was strengthened by the controversial decision to drop corruption charges against his successor, Jacob Zuma, and is now being entrenched as Mr Zuma and his allies seek to secure a second term in office by ensuring that the security services are not only loyal to their man, but willing to do whatever it takes to ensure victory.

“This is how a democracy becomes a police state,” said one commentator, in a country already alarmed by the ruling party's draconian moves to restrict press freedoms.

No-one – well, no-one credible – is suggesting that South Africa is poised to follow Zimbabwe's descent into the abyss. But as many countries have found to their cost, the corruption of institutions is dangerous and hard to reverse.

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 53741317 nigeria Nigeria profile

Continue reading the main story

Nigeria – Troubled Giant

On the brink?

#OccupyNigeria

Killed for his beard?

Mapping the divides

After lurching from one military coup to another, Nigeria now has an elected leadership. But the government faces the growing challenge of preventing Africa's most populous country from breaking apart along ethnic and religious lines.

Political liberalisation ushered in by the return to civilian rule in 1999 has allowed militants from religious and ethnic groups to pursue their demands through violence.

Thousands of people have died over the past few years in Islamist-led communal attacks. Separatist aspirations have been growing, prompting reminders of the bitter civil war over the breakaway Biafran republic in the late 1960s.

The imposition of Islamic law in several northern states has embedded divisions and caused thousands of Christians to flee.

The government is striving to boost the economy, which experienced an oil boom in the 1970s and is once again benefiting from high prices on the world market. But progress has been undermined by corruption and mismanagement.

Continue reading the main story

At a glance

wpid 54443134 nig ogonilandoil afp1 Nigeria profile

Politics: People's Democratic Party (PDP) has dominated since the return to civilian rule in 1999.

Economy: Nigeria is Africa's leading oil producer; more than half of its people live in poverty

International: Nigeria plays a prominent role in African affairs; has withdrawn troops from oil-rich Bakassi peninsula to settle border dispute with Cameroon

Country profiles compiled by BBC Monitoring

The former British colony is one of the world's largest oil producers, but the industry has produced unwanted side effects.

The trade in stolen oil has fuelled violence and corruption in the Niger delta – the home of the industry. Few Nigerians, including those in oil-producing areas, have benefited from the oil wealth.

In 2004, Niger Delta activists demanding a greater share of oil income for locals began a campaign of violence against the oil infrastructure, threatening Nigeria's most important economic lifeline.

Nigeria is keen to attract foreign investment but is hindered in this quest by security concerns as well as by a shaky infrastructure troubled by power cuts.

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 54270753 renunion Reunion profile

Rugged, volcanic Reunion is a territory of France in the Indian Ocean.

The densely-populated island once prospered from the cultivation of sugar cane, but tourism and financial aid from Paris now underpin its economy.

Reunion's culture, cuisine and ethnic mix reflect the story of its settlement. Overview

French colonists arrived on the island, then known as Bourbon, in the 1640s. Slaves from Madagascar and mainland Africa were brought in to work the island's coffee plantations. Later arrivals included labourers from south and east Asia.

The island was ruled as a colony until 1946, when it was made a “departement”, or administrative unit, of France. The Reunionese are French citizens and many of them wish to remain so; independence movements have been sporadic and there is little will to sever ties with Paris.

Sugar cane was introduced during a brief period of British rule in the early 19th century. It provides the raw material for Reunion's main exports. Tourism is also important; attractions include spectacular gorges and “cirques” – natural amphitheatres surrounded by mountains.

A large wealth gap has fuelled social tensions. These spilled over into violence in 1991 when 10 people were killed in anti-government riots. Unemployment is high, particularly among the young, and migration is commonplace. Violence once again flared up in March 2009 in protest at rising food prices.

Reunion is home to one of the world's most active volcanos, the Piton de la Fournaise, which has erupted more than 170 times since the mid-17th century. Lava flows have closed roads and damaged buildings.

The territory is prone to tropical storms; a cyclone monitoring station in the capital serves the Indian Ocean region.

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 54034530 seychelles Seychelles profile

After an ominous, post-independence start which saw them lurch from a coup, through an invasion by mercenaries to an abortive army mutiny and several coup attempts, the Seychelles have attained stability and prosperity.

Citizens of the Indian Ocean archipelago enjoy a high per capita income, good health care and education.

But just a year after independence in 1976, the Seychelles appeared to be heading down the path of instability which has plagued many African states.

The prime minister, France Albert Rene, overthrew the president, James Mancham, and embarked on a programme aimed at giving poorer people a greater share of the country's wealth.

Continue reading the main story

At a glance

wpid 54529483 seychelles yacht bbc1 Seychelles profile

Politics: The Seychelles People's Progressive Front (SPPF) has been the ruling party since 1977, when France Albert Rene came to power in a bloodless coup

Economy: Tourism and the fishing industry are the country's biggest foreign exchange earners

Country profiles compiled by BBC Monitoring

His coup, though bloodless, resulted in about 10,000 islanders fleeing the country. Four years later, with the help of Tanzanian troops, Mr Rene thwarted an attempt by South African mercenaries to restore Mr Mancham.

An army mutiny in 1982, followed by several attempted coups, suffered a similar fate.

But in 1991, possibly in response to pressure from foreign creditors and aid donors, Mr Rene restored multi-party democracy.

The country's economy depends heavily on a fishing industry and upmarket tourism; the latter is vulnerable to downturns in the global travel market. Fine beaches and turquoise seas are among the main attractions.

The archipelago is home to an array of wildlife, including giant tortoises and sea turtles. Much of the land is given over to nature reserves.

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