Senegal has been held up as one of Africa's model democracies. It has an established multi-party system and a tradition of civilian rule.
Although poverty is widespread and unemployment is high, the country has one of the region's more stable economies.
For the Senegalese, political participation and peaceful leadership changes are not new. Even as a colony Senegal had representatives in the French parliament. And the promoter of African culture, Leopold Senghor, who became president at independence in 1960, voluntarily handed over power to Abdou Diouf in 1980.
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At a glance
Politics: Outgoing President Abdoulaye Wade came to power in 2000 and conceded defeat after the March 2012 run-off vote
Economy: Agriculture drives the economy; tourism is a source of foreign exchange
International: Senegal has mediated between Sudan and Chad over Darfur tensions; many African illegal migrants use Senegal as a departure point for Europe
Security: Despite a peace deal, a low-level separatist rebellion simmers in Casamance, in the south
Country profiles compiled by BBC Monitoring
The 40-year rule of Senegal's Socialist Party came to a peaceful end in elections in 2000, which were hailed as a rare democratic power transfer on a continent plagued by coups, conflict and election fraud.
Separatists
Senegal is on the western-most part of the bulge of Africa and includes desert in the north and a moist, tropical south.
Slaves, ivory and gold were exported from the coast during the 17th and 18th centuries and now the economy is based mainly on agriculture. The money sent home by Senegalese living abroad is a key source of revenue.
A long-running, low-level separatist war in the southern Casamance region has claimed hundreds of lives. The conflict broke out over claims by the region's people that they were being marginalised by the Wolof, Senegal's main ethnic group.
The government and rebels signed a peace pact at the end of 2004, raising hopes for reconciliation.
On the world stage, Senegal has sent peacekeeping troops to DR Congo, Liberia and Kosovo.
Soldiers in Senegal are the only ones in West African never to have seized power
A group of soldiers seizes the studios of the state (and only) broadcaster and make their announcement about having come to save us
The entire population falls into line and members of parliament and ministers of state give themselves up to be locked up in police stations and prisons for months and even years.
This, in a region that prides itself on being the most politically astute on the continent – and where the people always answer back.
When Ecowas was formed in 1975, the majority of its members states had military heads of state – and a new coup leader was therefore warmly welcomed at meetings, without anybody batting an eyelid.
I recollect only one occasion when a coup-maker was told he was not welcome.
That was when Nigeria's then-President Shehu Shagari would not tolerate the presence at an Ecowas meeting in Togo's capital, Lome, of Liberia's Master Sergeant Samuel Kanyon Doe – who had arrived with the blood of his putsch fresh on his hands.
Mosquitoes to blame?
I have tried – without success – to work out why the region provided such fertile ground for coups.
I wondered if the mosquito and malaria had anything to do with it.
Remember, this part of Africa was supposed to have been the white man's grave – and it certainly saved us from a certain type of colonial experience.
Or maybe it is because we are better at football – and hopeless at long-distance running.
Whatever the reason, I am convinced things have changed.
Ecowas now issues a statement condemning a coup even before the troop movements have settled.
As Captain Sanogo in Mali has learnt, this neighbourhood has developed zero tolerance for coups.
The chaps in Bissau will also learn, eventually.
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After lurching from one military coup to another, Nigeria now has an elected leadership. But the government faces the growing challenge of preventing Africa's most populous country from breaking apart along ethnic and religious lines.
Political liberalisation ushered in by the return to civilian rule in 1999 has allowed militants from religious and ethnic groups to express their frustrations more freely, and with increasing violence.
Thousands of people have died over the past few years in communal rivalry. Separatist aspirations have been growing, prompting reminders of the bitter civil war over the breakaway Biafran republic in the late 1960s.
The imposition of Islamic law in several states has embedded divisions and caused thousands of Christians to flee. Inter-faith violence is said to be rooted in poverty, unemployment and the competition for land.
The government is striving to boost the economy, which experienced an oil boom in the 1970s and is once again benefiting from high prices on the world market. But progress has been undermined by corruption and mismanagement.
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At a glance
Politics: People's Democratic Party (PDP) has dominated since the return to civilian rule in 1999.
Economy: Nigeria is Africa's leading oil producer; more than half of its people live in poverty
International: Nigeria plays a prominent role in African affairs; has withdrawn troops from oil-rich Bakassi peninsula to settle border dispute with Cameroon
Country profiles compiled by BBC Monitoring
The former British colony is one of the world's largest oil producers, but the industry has produced unwanted side effects.
The trade in stolen oil has fuelled violence and corruption in the Niger delta – the home of the industry. Few Nigerians, including those in oil-producing areas, have benefited from the oil wealth.
In 2004, Niger Delta activists demanding a greater share of oil income for locals began a campaign of violence against the oil infrastructure, threatening Nigeria's most important economic lifeline.
Nigeria is keen to attract foreign investment but is hindered in this quest by security concerns as well as by a shaky infrastructure troubled by power cuts.
A mainly desert territory in north-west Africa, Western Sahara is the subject of a decades-long dispute between Morocco and the Algerian-backed Polisario Front.
The territory is phosphate-rich and believed to have offshore oil deposits. Most of it has been under Moroccan control since 1976.
Western Sahara fell under Spanish rule in 1884, becoming a Spanish province in 1934. Nationalism emerged in the 1960s, as nomadic Saharans, or Saharawis, settled in the region.
Polisario was set up on 10 May 1973 and established itself as the sole representative of the Saharan people. Some 100,000 refugees still live in Polisario's camps in Algeria.
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At a glance
Seized by Morocco after Spain and Mauritania withdrew
Polisario Front seeks independence
Morocco only prepared to grant autonomy
Territory rich in phosphates, fisheries and possibly offshore oil
Cease-fire in place since 1991
Country profiles compiled by BBC Monitoring
Madrid Agreement
In October 1975 the International Court of Justice rejected territorial claims by Morocco and Mauritania. The court recognised the Saharawis' right to self-determination and Spain agreed to organise a referendum.
But in November 1975, Moroccan King Hassan II ordered a “Green March” of over 300,000 Moroccans into the territory. Spain backed down and negotiated a settlement with Morocco and Mauritania, known as the Madrid Agreement.
Signed on 14 November 1975, the deal partitioned the region. Morocco acquired two-thirds in the north and Mauritania the remaining third. Spain agreed to end colonial rule.
Polisario declared the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) on 27 February 1976 and announced its first government on 4 March.
The current SADR president, Mohamed Abdelaziz, was elected Polisario secretary-general in August 1976.
In August 1978, one month after a coup, a new Mauritanian government signed a peace deal with Polisario and renounced all territorial claims.
Morocco moved to occupy areas allocated to Mauritania. Algeria in turn allowed refugees to settle in its southern town of Tindouf, where Polisario still has its main base.
Polisario led a guerrilla war against Moroccan forces until 1991.
Referendum
In April 1991 the UN established Minurso, the United Nations Mission for a Referendum in Western Sahara. Its brief was to implement a peace plan outlined in a 1990 Security Council resolution. In September 1991 a UN-brokered ceasefire was declared.
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Key dates
Moroccan settlers head for Western Sahara during the 'Green March'
1884: Spain colonises Western Sahara
1973: Polisario set up
1975: World Court rules people should decide on sovereignty
1975: “Green March”, Spain agrees to hand over to Morocco, Mauritania
1976: Spain withdraws, SADR declared
1979: Morocco annexes Mauritania's share
1976-1991: Guerrilla warfare
1991: Minurso established
1991: Ceasefire declared
1996: UN suspends referendum moves
2001: Baker plan
2007-8: Talks fail to reach resolution
The peace plan provided for a transition period, leading to a referendum in January 1992. Western Saharans would choose between independence and integration with Morocco.
Minurso was to total 1,000 civilian and 1,700 military personnel. Its brief was to monitor the ceasefire, the confinement of warring parties to designated areas and the exchange of prisoners.
While the ceasefire held, the mission was never fully deployed. Nor was the transition period ever completed. A key sticking point was an “identification process”, to decide who was eligible to vote.
Identification was to be based on a census carried out by Spain in 1973. Polisario wanted to rule out Moroccans who settled in Western Sahara after the Green March.
In May 1996 the UN suspended the identification process and recalled most Minurso civilian staff. Military personnel stayed to oversee the truce.
Initial attempts to revive the process foundered over Morocco's worries that a referendum would not serve its interests.
Baker plan
Peace returned to the drawing board when UN special envoy James Baker mediated in talks between Polisario and Morocco in London, Lisbon and Houston in 1997, then in London again in 2000.
Agreements were reached on the release of POWs, a code of conduct for a referendum campaign, UN authority during a transition period – but not on voter eligibility. Further talks were held in Berlin and Geneva in 2000, but again ran into trouble.
In a new bid to break the deadlock, James Baker submitted a “Framework Agreement”, known as the Third Way, in June 2001.
It provided for autonomy for Saharawis under Moroccan sovereignty, a referendum after a four-year transition period, and voting rights for Moroccan settlers resident in Western Sahara for over a year.
This formula was rejected by Polisario and Algeria. Then in July 2003, the UN adopted a compromise resolution proposing that Western Sahara become a semi-autonomous region of Morocco for a transition period of up to five years.
A referendum would then take place on independence, semi-autonomy or integration with Morocco.
This compromise was seen as addressing Moroccan concerns, in a bid to entice it to agree to a referendum.
Impasse
Polisario signalled its readiness to accept, but Morocco rejected the plan, citing security concerns. Envoy James Baker resigned in June 2004 and the UN process remains deadlocked.
Talks resumed between Morocco and the Polisario Front in March 2008 in New York, with Mauritania and Algeria also attending. They made no progress.
US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice sought to break the impasse during a visit to North Africa in September, but the pursuit of al-Qaeda networks in Morocco and Algeria took precedence.
In January 2009 UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon appointed US diplomat Christopher Ross as his new special envoy to deal with Western Sahara. Mr Ross was once US ambassador to Algeria.
In November 2010, several people were killed in violent clashes between Moroccan security forces and protesters near the capital Laayoune, shortly before UN-mediated talks on the future of the territory were due to open in New York.
The aftermath of the 2007 polls forced 600,000 people from their homes
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In pictures: Kenya's mystery murals
Kenya's new constitution sparks hopes of rebirth
Who gains from Kenya's ICC cases?
Kenya's Prime Minister Raila Odinga has warned that the emergence of ethnically-based political groups could spell doom in elections due next year.
Mr Odinga joined a coalition government with his rival President Mwai Kibaki to help end violence after the 2007 poll when more than 1,200 people died.
“When the ethnic drums are being sounded, we know” what that means for the country, he told the BBC.
But he said the coalition had helped bring in reforms.
In the weeks of political unrest following the December 2007 elections, some 600,000 people were also forced to flee their homes.
Four prominent Kenyans are being tried by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague for their part in organising the violence. They all deny the accusations.
‘Balkanising Kenya’
Mr Odinga said his “marriage of convenience” with Mr Kibaki had produced results.
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“Everyone agrees that this marriage has produced offspring… so we've not done badly because we've produced a new constitution for the country and carried out substantial reforms,” he told the BBC's Network Africa programme.
“We've carried out quite a bit of reforms aimed at levelling the playing field,” the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) leader added.
“Unfortunately we still have some politicians who believe in the past and we have seen over the last few months incitement of the public along ethnic lines… trying to balkanise the country along ethnic lines.”
He named two groups in particular – the Gikuyu, Embu, and Meru Association (Gema) and Kamatusa, a group representing pastoralist communities.
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Kenya's troubled politics
December 2007: Violence erupts after disputed poll. 1,200 people killed, thousands displaced by fighting.
April 2008: Power-sharing deal is signed
November 2009: ICC chief prosecutor says will seek to investigate post-poll violence
August 2010: New Kenyan constitution agreed
December 2010: ICC names suspects
May 2011: ICC rejects Kenya's bid to halt election probe
January 2012: ICC confirms charges against four suspects
Q&A: International Criminal Court
Orphaned by Kenya poll violence
The prime minister, who has announced his intention to run for president next year, said the public needed to be aware of these “prophets of doom”.
On Wednesday, a close ally of Mr Odinga's, Deputy Prime Minister Musalia Mudavadi resigned from the ODM, declaring himself a candidate for the presidential election.
Mr Mudavadi will now represent the recently formed United Democratic Forum, but said he wanted to represent a party that was not associated with a particular region.
A former ally of Mr Odinga, ex-Education Minister William Ruto, is also vying for the presidency – and is one those facing prosecution at the ICC over the post-election violence.
Uhuru Kenyatta, an ally of President Kibaki and son of Kenya's founding leader, is also accused by prosecutors at The Hague of crimes against humanity, including murder and persecution.
He has said he too will be standing for president in the forthcoming elections.
The date has yet to be announced by the Independent Electoral Boundaries Commission, a new body set up as part of the coalition government's reforms.
It is thought the polls will be in the first few months of 2013, not in December as is traditional in Kenya, which means that Mr Kibaki remain in power beyond the end of his mandate in January 2013.
‘Real gentleman’
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Archive footage shows Kenyan violence in 2007
Politicians may find that ethnic politics is no longer palatable to voters in Kenya where 35 year olds make up the majority of the electorate, the prime minister noted.
“The youth have no time for ethnic politics… working together with our youth, we'll be able to change our society.”
In the interview with the BBC during a visit to London, Mr Odinga also discussed his relationship with the president and Party of National Unity (PNU) leader, who is serving his second and final term in office, saying it was “initially stormy” because of the fears and suspicion following the 2007 election.
“But thereafter we've set up a very good working relationship,” he said of his old rival.
“Most of the time when he's not under the influence of the extremists on his side, I've found him to be a real gentleman.”
The power-sharing deal between the PNU and ODM to end the 2007-8 violence was brokered by former UN chief Kofi Annan.
The agreement had initially said that those accused of being the main perpetrators would stand trial in Kenya, but politicians were unable to agree on setting up a local tribunal; who to prosecute and how to proceed.
The Indian Ocean islands of Zanzibar and Pemba lie off the east African coast.
The semi-autonomous territory maintains a political union with Tanzania, but has its own parliament and president.
A former centre of the spice and slave trades, present-day Zanzibar is infused with African, Arab, European and Indian influences.
Zanzibar's original settlers were Bantu-speaking Africans. From the 10th century Persians arrived. But it was Arab incomers, particularly Omanis, whose influence was paramount.
They set up trading colonies and in 1832 the Omani sultan moved his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar, which had become a major slave-trading centre. Zanzibar became an independent sultanate.
The slave trade was abolished in 1873 and in 1890 the British declared Zanzibar a protectorate. In 1963 the islands regained independence, but upheaval was around the corner.
Revolution
In January 1964 members of the African majority overthrew the established minority Arab ruling elite. The leftist revolution was swift but bloody; as many as 17,000 people were killed.
A republic was established and in April the presidents of Zanzibar and Tanganyika, on the mainland, signed an act of union, forming the United Republic of Tanzania while giving semi-autonomy to Zanzibar.
Under international pressure, Zanzibar held multi-party elections in 1995, which were won by the ruling, pro-union Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) party. The opposition Civic United Front (CUF) rejected the outcome and alleged vote rigging. Political violence ensued.
The CCM won troubled polls in 2000 and 2005, both characterised by violence and fraud accusations. In 2000 many CUF supporters fled to Kenya after deadly clashes with police. Both parties signed a reconciliation agreement in 2001, but political tension persisted.
In protest against the 2005 election result, the CUF boycotted the island's parliament for four years, rejoining in 2009 in order, it said, to prevent violence in the run-up to the upcoming fresh elections.
Voters in a July 2010 referendum accepted proposals for rival political parties to share power. The reform followed a gradual rapprochement between the CCM and CUF.
The CCM wants Zanzibar to remain part of Tanzania. But the CUF, which has strong support among the descendants of the deposed Arabs, has called for greater autonomy. Some CUF members want independence.
Tourism is Zanzibar's newest and biggest industry. But most Zanzibaris have yet to benefit from it; the average wage is less than $1 per day.
Evaristo Cumbane used to work for Radio Mozambique
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African Dream
Food for thought
Successful couple
Pill pioneer
Refugee to riches
Mozambique's Evaristo Cumbane believes that running a business magazine is like fishing in the high seas.
For more than a decade he was a radio journalist but one of his dreams was to run his own business and he made it come true five years ago when he started a publication to promote investment in his country.
The magazine, Investir, covers different sectors such as agriculture, industry, infrastructure, mining and tourism.
His company, Investir Lda, currently employs only three people on a permanent basis but has several collaborators.
Mr Cumbane told the BBC's series African Dream that his employees are “people with the same vision as mine, people like fishermen”.
“All of us have to go to the sea and extend the net and look for fish, instead of sitting down and wait for the fish that is being brought.
“So we have to go out, bring clients together. It's not up to the director alone to bring clients. All of us have to be prepared to face the winds and to face the waves in high seas”.
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“Start Quote
It’s not up to the director alone to bring clients. All of us have to be prepared to face the winds and to face the waves in high seas”
End Quote
He warns budding entrepreneurs against employing too many people while their business is starting to take off.
“Make sure first that your business is stable, the business is guaranteeing a permanent cash flow, otherwise you'll find yourself in the newspapers or television, that so-and-so is not paying his staff, so I'm very careful with that,” he said.
Private sector
According to him, when he began publishing Investir in 2007 the only other magazine in the country was the in-flight one from the national carrier, Mozambique Airlines.
“We started at that time trying to involve the private sector to support this initiative, as the magazine itself is not for sale, it's for free distribution,” he told the BBC Africa's Jose Tembe.
“So we had to rely on sponsorships and advertisements from the private sector,” he continued.
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Evaristo Cumbane
Age: 43
Married, with three boys
Bachelor's degree in business
Worked for Radio Mozambique 1991-2003
Started his magazine in 2007
Hobbies: Playing and signing gospel music, travelling and reading spiritual books
Mr Cumbane said that he started with the minimum capital which was required by law as a deposit at the time, 20,000 meticais ($720, £450).
He pointed out that they had many obstacles at the beginning, including some imposed by competition.
“When I launched the magazine first, then other people started imitating the business and this caused us to have a small break just to rethink, to make sure that we produce something that will scare away all competitors.
“We are coming now with a brand-new style magazine which people when they'll see it they'll say: 'Yes, this is real business',” he said.
Also, after a while they realised that the magazine alone could not sustain the company.
“We started introducing other services, including translations from Portuguese to English, designing to produce magazines for others, to produce books for others, to do their layout, printing as well – we represent a big South African printer – so in conjunction with the printer we managed to get some business across South Africa,” the entrepreneur explained.
Under pressure
Mr Cumbane believes that, to keep themselves afloat, business people must be ready to reinvent themselves.
“When you start a business you always start with some estimate, with some forecasts of cash flow, how are you going to get the money, and so on, but usually your estimates prove to be wrong and when that happens you are under pressure because the expenditure continues while the cash flow does not follow the pace,” he said.
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“So, at that stage you've got to think twice, you have to strategise, you have to think of new products, new things to introduce, otherwise you close the business because the main purpose of doing business is to generate profit. If you're not generating profit then you're not doing business, so you have to go home.”
In spite of his setbacks – or probably because of what he has learned from them – he likes encouraging others to start their own businesses.
“We have to be creative and we have to create jobs as well. Many people, after finishing their training, usually they look for jobs in already established companies without realising that they themselves could set up a small business and employ other people who are looking for jobs.
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“Start Quote
You don’t start a business with a lot of money. That’s why you start a business. Otherwise you wouldn’t start a business since you have a lot of money”
End Quote
“Of course I know why they are not doing that. It's not easy to do that in Mozambique – first because of the market. It's a very small market, small in terms of economic capacity, but you need to be courageous. If you fight, you win; if you look forward, you find it; if you knock, the door will be open for you”.
He says that people are wrong to think that they need a lot of capital to create their own companies.
“You don't start a business with a lot of money. That's why you start a business. Otherwise you wouldn't start a business since you have a lot of money, you'd just deposit it in a bank and then you get interest.
“Always we start a business with little money but you need to be persistent, don't look at obstacles, don't look at the difficulties in the market, continue improving your product, improving your service, to make sure people realise that your service, your product is relevant to them.”
His long term vision is to get Investir Lda into the Southern African Development Community (SADC) market.
But he said that he will eventually go back to radio journalism.
“I haven't left. I've just interrupted it for a while because later I'll go back to radio.
“That's what I was trained for. Doing radio and using, of course, my wonderful voice,” he added laughing.
“To entertain people and inform people, that's what I like, but I needed to experiment with new things, new challenges.”
African Dream is broadcast on the BBC Network Africa programme every Monday morning.
Every week, one successful business man or woman will explain how they started off and what others could learn from them.
US special forces are advising the Ugandan army in their hunt for Joseph Kony
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Joseph Kony
'I survived the LRA'
Profile of the LRA leader
Rise of online campaigning
Kony2012# under fire
The Ugandan army says the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) led by Joseph Kony is being supported and supplied by the Sudanese government.
The LRA is accused of rape, mutilation, murder and the recruitment of child soldiers.
A Ugandan army colonel told the BBC they had captured a member of the LRA who was wearing a Sudanese uniform, and carried its weapons and ammunition.
Sudan's ambassador to London has denied the allegations as “a big lie”.
“We are not helping and we will not help [Joseph Kony]. He's a criminal,” ambassador Abdullahi al-Azreg told the BBC's Newshour programme.
The US has sent special forces to help in the hunt for Mr Kony.
The 100-strong mission is working in four bases across Central Africa, where the LRA is moving in small groups, raiding and abducting villagers to become fighters, sex slaves or porters.
An online video produced by the US pressure group Invisible Children earlier this year helped raise international awareness of the LRA's activities.
Last month the African Union set up a 5,000-strong force to track down the fugitive warlord.
Mr Kony and his close aides have been wanted for war crimes by the International Criminal Court since 2005.
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At the scene
Dan Damon BBC World Service, Obo, Central African Republic
The airstrip at Obo is little more than a stretch of dirt track. Our single engine plane kangaroos its landing as it arrives at one of the most remote inhabited places on Earth.
We are met by the small detachment of US special forces. The idea that the world's superpower was going to track down Joseph Kony has raised expectations sky high in this region.
But the man in charge of the US Africa Command, General Carter Ham, emphasises they will not be out on patrol in the jungle as many expect. “I call it 'Man On The Moon' syndrome. If America can put a man on the Moon, why haven't we caught Joseph Kony? But we are there to work with our partner forces from the countries of Central Africa,” he says.
Even if they haven't caught Kony yet they have helped. Maria Wangechi from the charity Merlin says people can now venture 25km from the town to till their fields.
Read Dan's piece in full
Crossing borders
Ugandan army spokesman Col Felix Kulayigye told the BBC it had information that the LRA was now moving into Sudan, including areas of Darfur controlled by the pro-government Janjaweed militia.
“Kony knows we can't enter that region, so when the pressure is high in Central Africa he crosses into the Sudanese border [areas],” he said.
During Sudan's two-decade civil war, Uganda supported rebels who last year led South Sudan to independence. Meanwhile, Sudan's government was widely believed to have supported the LRA in order to weaken the Ugandan military capability.
A senior Ugandan military commander recently said his country might intervene if war broke out between the two Sudans, implying it would be on the side of the South.
Mr Kony, whose army first emerged in northern Uganda, has evaded capture for more than 20 years as his forces terrorised large areas of Central Africa.
He claims he has been fighting to install a government in Uganda based on the Biblical 10 Commandments.
Joseph Kony wants to install a government in Uganda based on the Biblical 10 Commandments
Mr Kony was due to sign a peace deal with the Ugandan government in 2008, but peace talks fell apart because the LRA leader wanted assurances that he and his allies would not be prosecuted.
‘Tangible’ fear
The BBC's Dan Damon is one of a few journalists who has visited the US forces based in Obo, Central African Republic.
He says fear of the LRA is tangible and real to people in Central Africa, especially in remote areas along the heavily forested and often unmarked borders between Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan and Central African Republic.
The US forces told the BBC that they were not hunting for Kony themselves, but assisting local armies and co-ordinating intelligence and communications.
Maria Wangechi, from the medical charity Merlin, says the LRA staged its most recent attack two weeks ago, but the presence of the US and AU forces has helped reassure civilians in the region.
The LRA has now split into small groups.
The BBC's Dan Damon says they do not use any form of electronic communications, but instead use runners and rendezvous points to keep in touch.
He says that means the US electronic surveillance technology may not be so useful as the hunt for Joseph Kony continues.
What seems to be the elder of the two has a headscarf wrapped around his face. He stands back, letting the younger one approach our car.
The tint on our car windows has attracted their attention. In Somalia, most 4x4s are tinted to keep the occupants' profile as low as possible. He is not impressed.
Nur acknowledges our “fault” and explains that we have our camera kit on the backseat and leaving expensive gear in a car with non-tinted window in Mogadishu is calling for it to be stolen.
In a soft and polite voice, the teenager explains to us that tinting is not allowed and walks towards a house 500 metres away, telling us he is going to seek advice from what we think are his superiors.
Nur and I turn to each other asking what other rules we might be breaking. I notice Nur still has his shirt firmly tucked. He quickly untucks it.
Out of anxiety, I ask whether the al-Shabab youth might also take exception to my Nike trainers and we both break into nervous laughter.
All this time the elder of the two boys is standing not far from our car – listening but not responding to our small talk.
After waiting for about five minutes, while replays of press reports of al-Shabab's notoriously harsh justice system run through my head, he comes back and tells us we are free to continue our journey but must wind down the tinted windows.
Beehive of commerce
We are at the frontline, but there is no sight of men in trenches. There is also no sight of pick-up trucks mounted with anti-aircraft guns.
It is hard to imagine how this very lightly armed checkpoint was stopping the heavily armed government and African Union troops. Perhaps there were more fighters with superior weapons waiting in the nearby bushes.
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“Start Quote
I had expected to be asked whether I pray five times a day, not about my taste in women”
End Quote
After a short drive we reach the centre of Elasha Biyaha, a beehive of commerce and trade.
Unlike the battle-scarred buildings of Mogadishu all the buildings here are new, with their tin roofs glowing in the mid-morning sun.
On both sides of the only tarmac road in the town, stores sell goods from matchsticks to sacks of rice.
Also noticeably different from Mogadishu is the absence of men with guns in the streets of the town – even though this is a “front line”.
People stop and stare at us, only for them to smile and resume their activities when I greet them in Somali.
We head to the hotel where our meeting is scheduled to take place. We get there in time but there is no sign of our contact.
A quick call and we find out to our surprise he is in fact in Mogadishu, a city controlled by government and AU soldiers, attending a funeral for two religious elders who died in the shelling the night before.
Facebook profile
After two hours' wait a tall, slim figure with a goatee and a broad smile comes walking towards us.
In February there was a demonstration in Elasha Biyaha to back al-Shabab joining al-Qaeda
With arms outstretched, he says my name and gives me a hug as if I am an old friend. I ask how he picked me out of the crowd in the hotel.
He says: “You look like the picture on your Facebook profile.”
My heart goes into overdrive. How much more could he possibly know about me? What about my Twitter account? Does he read my tweets?
After a few seconds of nervous silence, he gives a broad smile and soft pat on my shoulder saying: “Don't worry you look better in real life.”
Over freshly made mango smoothies, he apologises for not being on time.
Probably in his late 20s, he looks nothing like you may imagine a typical Islamist insurgent to be. There are no robes or heavy beards.
He is wearing a crisply ironed shirt and trousers with the Islamic scarf loosely resting upon his head, protecting it from the intense morning sun.
As the main man of al-Shabab's media campaign you would think he would be escorted by heavily-armed and masked bodyguards – but there are no signs of security or even a pistol for protection.
‘No stealing’
As we are having drinks he notices I do not wear a wedding ring.
The conversation changes to what kind of women I prefer, and why I have not married.
Many people have fled from areas controlled by al-Shabab
He offers to assist me in finding a potential wife and he adds that if I cannot afford the dowry he will happily contribute.
I had expected to be asked whether I pray five times a day, not about my taste in women.
We talk until the midday call for prayers goes out, and I suggest we go to the mosque. Somalia brings out the fear of God in everyone.
Nur and I are used to carrying our kit with us wherever we go, but he suggests we leave it in the car.
Remembering that we were told to keep the tinted windows down, I say we are happy carrying the kit with us.
He insists, assuring us if anything happened he would personally pay for our kit.
After prayers we go to a restaurant for a lunch of boiled camel meat, rice and stew. Between chewing the tough camel meat and the soft basmati rice he gives me the news I have been hoping for – the freedom to report from al-Shabab-controlled areas.
We return to our car after lunch; our kit is still there, albeit dusty from the strong wind and in full display to all the locals.
“This is an al-Shabab area, nobody touches what's not theirs,” the man tells me.
As we begin our drive back to Mogadishu he reassures us of our safety.
Feeling a bit more confident, I retort with a smile that while this may be true, we cannot be safe from drone strikes.
A vast, arid state on the edge of the Sahara desert, Niger endured austere military rule for much of its post-independence history and is rated by the UN as one of the world's least-developed nations.
The drought-prone country sometimes struggles to feed its people. Its main export, uranium, is prone to price fluctuations and agriculture is threatened by the encroaching desert. Niger is bargaining on oil exploration and gold mining to boost its fortunes.
Historically a gateway between North and sub-Saharan Africa, Niger came under French rule in the late 1890s.
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At a glance
Politics: President Tandja changed the constitution to stay in power, but was ousted in a coup in 2010. Polls to restore civilian rule were held in January 2011
Security: Tuareg nomads seeking greater autonomy for the north have been waging a low-level war. Fears of Al Qaeda activity have been heightened by the kidnapping of foreigners
Economy: Niger is a leading producer of uranium, and is rich in other minerals. UN rates it as one of world's poorest countries
International: Niger shares borders with seven countries. Some boundaries are disputed
After independence in 1960 its progress was stymied by political instability and a five-year drought, which devastated livestock and crops.
With little primary education, Niger has one of the lowest literacy rates in the world. Its health system is basic and disease is widespread.
After a break of a decade, Niger again experienced an insurgency by Tuareg rebels in the north in 2007.
The Niger Movement for Justice (MNJ) complained that a 1995 peace deal that ended the previous insurgency has never been fully implemented and that the region remains marginalised. The group demands greater autonomy and a larger share of uranium revenue.
In 2009, the MNJ and the government held talks in Libya, at which they committed themselves to a “total and comprehensive” peace.
In 1999 voters overwhelmingly approved a new constitution providing for presidential and legislative multi-party elections. These took place later in the year and saw Mamadou Tandja elected as president.
Mr Tandja introduced a new constitution in 2009 to extend his powers in a move described by the opposition as a coup. He was himself overthrown in a coup at the beginning of 2010.
Niger banned the centuries-old practice of slavery in 2003. But anti-slavery organisations say thousands of people still live in subjugation.
Soldiers in Senegal are the only ones in West African never to have seized power
The aftermath of the 2007 polls forced 600,000 people from their homes
Evaristo Cumbane used to work for Radio Mozambique
US special forces are advising the Ugandan army in their hunt for Joseph Kony
Joseph Kony wants to install a government in Uganda based on the Biblical 10 Commandments
In February there was a demonstration in Elasha Biyaha to back al-Shabab joining al-Qaeda
Many people have fled from areas controlled by al-Shabab
